In exactly 41 days, a remarkable thing is going to happen in the city of Philadelphia.

Voters may turn over the reins of power in City Hall to a Republican for the first time since Harry Truman was in the White House and the Athletics played baseball in Shibe Park.

Or, the electorate may choose as Philadelphia's first mayor of the 21st century its second African-American leader - a self-made man who grew up poor on a chicken farm, a controversial politician made over from a rumpled liberal to pinstriped conservative.

Pretty exciting, right?

Right?

Hello?

OK, with less than six weeks to go, the main show between the GOP's Sam Katz and Democrat John Street hasn't exactly been a blockbuster hit so far.

Indeed, the only real drama since last May's hard-fought Democratic primary was provided not by the lead actors but by a member of the supporting cast, Democratic stalwart and defeated candidate John White Jr., who leaped party lines to endorse Katz.

In the 1990s, Philadelphians, like the rest of Americans, have gotten used to slash-and-burn politics, from the satanic music of political attack ads, such as the one that made Willie Horton a household name, to merciless political monologues from the likes of Jay Leno, Don Imus and Rush Limbaugh.

We've grown enamored with the politics of personality. To be candid, we like our leaders to be interesting - whether it's the low comedic foibles of our philanderer-in-chief in the White House or Ed Rendell's more benign, muffin-stuffing, backslapping style.

John Street and Sam Katz are dull, or at least they come off that way to many voters.

They don't want to talk about personalities. They are much happier discussing truancy or police gun auctions.

And here's the most surprising part. They may go from now until Nov. 2 without attacking each other in TV or radio ads - unless there's a dramatic change in the complexion of what is shaping up as a close race.

"I don't think people are looking for excitement - they're looking for who will be the best mayor," Katz said yesterday.

He said many Philadelphians care passionately about this election, such as the 400 or so people who showed up in a driving rainstorm for a Society Hill civic meeting where both candidates spoke last week.

Street said yesterday that if voters are looking for the kind of fireworks they saw in the spring Democratic primary, with its scorching attack ads and mini-scandals, they'll be disappointed, because fall elections are more about party building.

"We're out doing what we are supposed to be doing," said Street, who said a lot of his time has been invested recently in building bridges to Democratic Party officials, at summer picnics and ward meetings.

Here are six reasons why what could be Philadelphia's most important - and maybe its closest - election in a generation could also prove to be its dullest.

John Street is dull

Well, not really. Reporters and others who get to meet with the former City Council president one-on-one find him interesting and engaging - but most voters don't get to see him that way.

When Street traded in his sweats, his Afro and his confrontational style of the early 1980s for his charcoal-gray suit of the 1990s he gave up a lot of pizzazz. He suffers the misfortune of appearing stiff and a little formal in a town that relishes mussed-hair spontaneity - think Frank Rizzo, Rendell, even the '93 Phils.

Sam Katz is dull

Well, not really. His dry sense of humor makes Katz possibly the funniest - intentionally funniest, anyway - candidate for mayor in the late 20th century. But Philadelphians prefer to leave the sarcasm to New Yorkers.

Although Katz has clearly worked hard to tone down the rougher edges he displayed in his first, unsuccessful campaign in 1991, and to show his softer side to the media, he's still a long way from warm and fuzzy.

Street doesn't want

to attack first

For one thing, Street and his aides still think he's a strong favorite, thanks to both the Democratic Party's massive voter registration edge in the city and an expected $5 million warchest. That being the case, why needlessly alienate voters - and call attention to Katz - with a barrage of nasty ads? More importantly, insiders say, is that Street is looking ahead to taking the oath of office next January, and he doesn't want to win with a campaign that divides the city along racial or party lines, or anger would-be supporters he might need to get financial aid from Harrisburg, Washington or City Council.

Katz doesn't want

to attack first

Unlike Street, Katz showed a surprising willingness last spring to go on the offensive, shocking even hardened political experts with attack ads against White and Street's closest rival, Marty Weinberg. It seemed clearly designed to help Street (and his baggage from two decades in the political limelight) make it to the November election. But don't expect an October surprise from the GOP candidate. In what is largely a one-on-one race - despite a spirited effort by third-party rival John McDermott - between a black and a white candidate, any attack ads, no matter how based they are in fact, could be perceived as racial attacks and turn off voters.

They're both just

policy wonks

Whoever wins in November, it's clear the next mayor will bring a markedly different style to City Hall from what we've grown used to during eight years of Rendell. In the first part of his administration, Rendell happily left the nitty-gritty work to his chief aide, David L. Cohen, while he played the role of master salesman and cheerleader for Philadelphia.

In 1999, voters are basically choosing between a Democrat and a Republican who love to show off their own mastery of detail. Street flourished politically as City Council president, where victory lies in an ability to twist arms and work the corridors of power, and as one who mastered the complicated ins-and-outs of the city budget. Katz, too, first got attention with his detailed policy blueprints when he ran for mayor in 1991 - and he's remained in wonkish mode ever since.

There aren't any issues

Really, there aren't many major differences between what Street and Katz stand for. Despite serious problems that continue to plague Philadelphia - shrinking population, poor schools, crime and a growth of employment that still lags behind other cities, there's never been striking differences between the candidates, and that includes the four other Democrats who ran in the spring primary, on what should be done The major policy differences between Street and Katz so far have been over school vouchers - just one piece of the education puzzle that depends more on action from Harrisburg than from City Hall - and over how deeply the city wage tax should be cut. Katz supports government aid to private and parochial school parents, Street opposes the idea.

Katz wants to cut the wage tax more than does Street, who says too deep a reduction would harm city services.

"They don't differ all that much on many issues," said Randall Miller, a St. Joseph's University history professor who monitors local politics. "They're both fiscal conservatives who want restraint in spending." Despite the many reasons for thinking this campaign a dull race, some of them could change. A slew of community forums and debates in the coming days could create sparks. And if their frequent tracking polls show either Street or Katz pulling away from the other, the trailing candidate very likely will start attacking the leader.